Showing posts with label Deficit Commission. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Deficit Commission. Show all posts

Friday, December 17, 2010

American Workers Beware: "...let's look at how Wall Street and the large corporations view of the economy. The object is to reduce their taxes by shifting the tax burden off finance, off industry, onto labor." -- Michael Hudson

Blogger's Recommendation: A MUST-WATCH!


December 16, 2010

Why Government is More Afraid of Debt than Depression

Michael Hudson: Deficit Hawks Want a One Two Punch Against the Economy

More at The Real News

Bio

Michael Hudson is President of The Institute for the Study of Long-Term Economic Trends (ISLET), a Wall Street Financial Analyst, Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City and author of Super-Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire (1968 & 2003), Trade, Development and Foreign Debt (1992 & 2009) and of The Myth of Aid (1971). ISLET engages in research regarding domestic and international finance, national income and balance-sheet accounting with regard to real estate, and the economic history of the ancient Near East. Michael acts as an economic advisor to governments worldwide including Iceland, Latvia and China on finance and tax law.

Wednesday, December 08, 2010

A Huge Victory for the American Middle Class: The Bowles/Simpson Threat to Pillage Social Security Is Neutralized by "The Magnificent Seven" of Obama's Deficit-Hawk-Stacked Deficit Commission!




Deficit Commission Fails To Pass Plan

First Posted: 12- 3-10 12:55 PM  |   Updated: 12- 3-10 01:01 PM

Read More: Alan Simpson, Debt Commission, Deficit Commission, Erskine Bowles, Federal Deficit, Jan Schawkosky, Politics News

WASHINGTON -- President Obama's fiscal commission fell short of reaching consensus on a plan to shave $3.8 trillion from the federal deficit over the next nine years.

Fourteen votes were required for the plan to move forward for a vote in Congress, but the fiscally hawkish proposal garnered support from only 11 members of the 18-person panel.

Erskine Bowles and Alan Simpson
Commission co-chairmen Erskine Bowles, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton, and retired Sen. Alan Simpson (R-Wyo.), drew national ire on Nov. 10 with their 'chairman's mark' proposal, which would have, among other things, raised the retirement age and resulted in higher taxes for millions of middle-class Americans.

But after weeks of fraught negotiations -- and having worked on the plan for 10 months -- the co-chairmen were unable to convince 14 of their colleagues to support the hawkish plan.

The plan was endorsed by Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Ill.), as well as Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad (D-N.D.), House Budget Committee Chairman John Spratt (D-S.C.), and Sens. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.), Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and Judd Gregg (R-N.H).

Recognizing they did not have the critical consensus, the panel adjourned Friday without so much as taking a formal vote.

Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) objected to the plan over cuts to Social Security and Medicare, while Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.) told reporters at a breakfast hosted by The Christian Science Monitor yesterday that he couldn't support the proposal because it reinforces President Obama's health care law.

"I think it makes health care dramatically worse," Ryan said. "I'm trying to be guarded in my comments, because I really respect what Erskine and Alan have done."

The co-chairmen have been bracing for failure, saying that their greatest ambition is merely to start a conversation about how to rein in the national debt.

"Our goal has been really simple: To start an adult conversation about the dangers of the deficit we are running," Bowles told reporters earlier this week. "It is the exact same conversation that every family, every single business, every state and every municipality has been having for the last several years."

House Republican Whip Eric Cantor (R-VA) echoed that statement in the following statement on Friday.

"Though we may not see eye-to-eye on the specifics, Republicans and Democrats can surely agree that getting our long-term deficit under control will require major entitlement reform," said Cantor in a statement after the vote. "The more ideas that are brought to the table, the better, and we must not allow the urgency of the news cycle to force the demonization of ideas in their infancy. I believe that these type of efforts will set the stage for concrete action."

But many are pleased with the news, insisting there are more progressive ways to go about reducing the country's $13.7 trillion deficit.

"The advocates for the misguided recommendations from the 11 commissioners will tell you there is no alternative," said AFL-CIO president Richard Trumka in a statement Friday. "But this week, Our Fiscal Security, Representative Jan Schakowsky, and the Citizens' Commission On Jobs, Deficits And America's Economic Future all presented plausible plans to bring the budget deficit under control - without jeopardizing our recovery, without asking the middle class to pick up the tab, and without deep cuts in the programs our seniors rely on."



A must watch video by one of "The Magnificent Seven":

Rep. Schakowsky explains her vote against the Fiscal Commission Proposal, 12-03-2010





Go here for economist James K. Gailbraith's take on the Commission majority's rapacious plan just before the Magnificent Seven deep-sixed it:

Moment of Lies: Galbraith Attacks Lack of Evidence for Frantic Deficit Fear Mongering

The sky is falling, but not enough to tax the rich apparently. 


Wednesday, September 01, 2010

Coup d'Etat: Standard & Poor's Is Now Giving Orders to Congress ... and the American People



Coup d'Etat: Standard & Poor's Is Now Giving Orders to Congress ... and the American People

Richard (RJ) Eskow
Consultant, Writer, Senior Fellow with The Campaign for America's Future
Posted: August 30, 2010 03:05 PM

There's been a lot of talk recently about the enormous power that's been given to the Deficit Commission, which is co-chaired by Alan "Social Security recipients are milking it" Simpson and dominated by people who have advocated cuts to Social Security and Medicare. But here's an aspect of the story that's gone unremarked: Standard & Poor's, the credit rating agency whose reputation should rightfully have been shattered by the economic crisis, is now dictating policy to the United States government. S&P just put our elected officials on notice: Submit to the proclamations of the Deficit Commission or we'll downgrade our rating of government debt.

That's blackmail, plain and simple. This threat comes from a privately-owned company whose rating process is riddled with conflicts, and which has gotten virtually every critical assessment of recent years spectacularly wrong. Enron? Lehman? Subprime mortgages? They were zero for three. Yet rather than reining back their penchant for reckless proclamations, the chairman of S&P's "sovereign rating committee" said that our elected officials' response to the Deficit Commission would be crucial to its analysis of US debt. John Chambers said last week: "It is very important for the credit standing of the United States that the Congress considers very carefully what the fiscal commission proposes." Just in case his intent wasn't clear enough, he added: "It is very important for Congress to take the required steps."

"Sovereign" is right. That's a kingly proclamation.

Bear in mind, we supposedly don't know yet what the Deficit Commission will propose. (We have a good idea, of course, since both the Democratic and Republican co-chairs are long-time advocates for cutting Social Security.) The total extent of the Commission's recommendations, and the extent to which they'll actually provide financial stability, are supposed to be completely unknown at this point. S&P's statement isn't an analysis, since there's nothing to analyze. It's a threat: Turn your authority as elected representatives over to this unelected body or we'll cause financial damage to the United States Government.

It's not a hollow threat, either. This statement was made one day after S&P downgraded Ireland's debt. A downgrade could cause massive harm to the United States government at a time of extreme difficulty. Debt could be harder to obtain, and it would become more expensive. That, in turn, would plunge the US deeper into debt. So who, exactly, is issuing this warning? What kind of credibility do they have?

Standard & Poor's is a division of McGraw-Hill, a publicly traded publishing company. They are a for-profit company, as is their fellow rating agency Moody's (which issued a similar threat last March). Both of these for-profit companies have eagerly pursued the very institutions they were rating, to disastrous effect. Internal documents obtained by the Levin Subcommittee showed that both Moody's and S&P let the profit motive compromise their judgments in the run-up to the economic meltdown. As we noted in a previous analysis, one internal S&P email said this about a rating they did for a customer: ""I don't think this is enough to satisfy them. What's the next step?"

Here's another example of S&P's integrity. When an analyst asked to review loan files for a security he was asked to rate, his supervisor told him the request was "TOTALLY UNREASONABLE!"

And consider this reported comment, which occurred during exploratory acquisition talks with investment research company Morningstar: "The S&P people insisted to Joe Mansueto (Founder/Chairman) that he was leaving big mounds of money on the table by not charging mutual funds for their 'star' ratings. Joe replied to the S&P bidders that it was an obvious conflict of interest to charge the funds for their own ratings -- how would Morningstar maintain its independence? They called him naive -- and stopped the merger talks."

The comments, though unconfirmed, have not been denied. Expert money manager Barry Ritholtz, who reported the story, indicated his confidence in his source and added, "This anecdote rings rather true to me."
Moody's fared even worse in our review of Levin Subcommittee documents. Of four key objectives for its Structured Finance Group, responsible for ratings, "high quality ratings and research came in dead last - behind "generating increased revenue," "increasing market share ...," and "fostering good relationships with issuers and investors."

Get the picture?

Why would companies like Standard & Poor's and Moody's issue threats of this kind? There could be many reasons. One might be to please its corporate clients, who would like to see government spending cut for both ideological and business reasons. Another might be to encourage cuts in Social Security because, under current proposals from both parties, that would place more retirement savings in funds and accounts managed by S&P's key clients. Moody's may also legitimately believe that the deficit needs to be reduced immediately, which is debatable on economic grounds. But if the Moody's action was arguable, S&P's statement is indefensible.

The ratings agency system is broken. These private companies have accrued enormous power without earning it. A lot of that power has been handed to them by government actions that rely on their ratings. That's why the Senate voted for the Franken Amendment, which -- while leaving these companies private -- would have removed the inevitable conflict of interest that's created when they compete for business. (The House/Senate Conference eliminated the Franken Amendment, calling instead for a two-year study. While the final bill is weighted toward an action of the kind called for by Franken's amendment, two years gives lobbyists a long time to influence the outcome.)

Standard & Poor's are called "agencies," but they should be called by their proper name: For-profit companies. These "ratings companies" have undermined the free market by allowing powerful issuers and investors to influence their own ratings. Markets with bad information - information that's bought and paid for - aren't really "free."

Now the "rating companies" are targeting the democratic process, too. We need a national discussion about the proper role of these companies, before they cause even more damage. Standard & Poor's should be reprimanded for its inappropriate and unprofessional intrusion into the working of government. And everyone needs to be reminded: Neither Congress nor the Executive Branch can 'outsource' the democratic process. They are our elected representatives. They must not be forced to submit to conflict-ridden private companies with a track record of failure.


_______________________________________________________________
Richard (RJ) Eskow, a consultant and writer (and former insurance/finance executive), is a Senior Fellow with the Campaign for America's Future. This post was produced as part of the Curbing Wall Street and Strengthen Social Security projects. Richard also blogs at A Night Light.
He can be reached at "rjeskow@ourfuture.org."
Website: Eskow and Associates

Friday, August 27, 2010

Alan Simpson, co-chair of Obama's committee on reducing federal deficits, shoulders the heavy burden of objectively deciding whether or not people's Social Security really must be cut. Part 1

Some slides from a presentation prepared for the deficit commission by Social Security's chief actuary

Senator Simpson: He's Not Just Offensive, He's Ignorant

by Dean Baker
Posted: August 25, 2010 05:56 PM

Former Wyoming Senator Alan Simpson, the co-chairman of President Obama's deficit commission, has sparked calls for his resignation after sending an offensive and sexist note to Ashley Carson, the executive director of the Older Women's League. While such calls are reasonable -- Simpson's comments were certainly more offensive than remarks that led to the resignation of other people from the Obama administration -- the Senator's determined ignorance about the basic facts on Social Security is an even more important reason for him to leave his position.

I was also a recipient of one of Simpson's tirades. As was the case with the note he sent to Carson, Simpson attached a presentation prepared for the commission by Social Security's chief actuary. Simpson implied that this presentation had some especially eye-opening information that would lead Carson and me to give up our wrong-headed views on Social Security.

While I opened the presentation with great expectations, I quickly discovered there was nothing in the presentation that would not already be known to anyone familiar with the annual Social Security trustees' report. The presentation showed a program that is currently in solid financial shape, but somewhere in the next three decades will face a shortfall due to an upward redistribution of wage income, increasing life expectancy, and slow growth in the size of the workforce. The projected shortfall is not larger than what the program has faced at prior points in its history, most notably in 1982 when the Greenspan Commission was established to restore the program's solvency.

It was disturbing to see that Simpson seemed surprised by what should have been old hat to anyone familiar with the policy debate on Social Security. After all, he had been a leading participant in these debates in his years in the Senate.

Simpson's public remarks also seem to show very little knowledge of the financial situation of the elderly or near elderly. He has repeatedly made references to retirees driving up to their gated communities in their Lexuses. While this description may apply to Simpson's friends, it applies to very few other retirees, the vast majority of whom rely on Social Security for the bulk of their income. Cutting the benefits of the small group of genuinely affluent elderly would make almost no difference in the finances of the program.

Furthermore, the baby-boom generation that is nearing retirement has seen most of its savings destroyed by the collapse of the housing bubble that both wiped out their housing equity and took a big chunk of the limited money they were able to put aside in their 401(k)s. Simpson shows no understanding of this fact as he prepares to cut benefits for near retirees.

He also doesn't seem to have a clue as to the type of work that most older people are doing. While it is possible for senators to continue in their jobs late in life, nearly half of older workers have jobs that are either physically demanding or require they work in difficult conditions. Simpson seems totally clueless on this point when he considers proposals to raise the retirement age.

The key facts on Social Security are not hard to understand. The shortfall is relatively minor and distant. Most retirees have little income other than their Social Security, and most workers would find it quite difficult to stay at their jobs in their late 60s or even 70. We might have hoped that Senator Simpson understood these facts at the time when he was appointed to the commission, but we should at least expect that he would learn them on the job.

His determined ignorance in the face of the facts is the most important reason why he is not qualified to serve on President Obama's commission. Someone who is co-chairman of such an important group should be able to critically evaluate information, not just insult and demean his critics.

Dean Baker is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, DC.
 

He previously worked as a senior economist at the Economic Policy Institute and an assistant professor at Bucknell University. His blog, Beat the Press, features commentary on economic reporting.

He received his Ph.D in economics from the University of Michigan.


He has written numerous books and articles, including The United States Since 1980, Cambridge University Press, March 2007; The Conservative Nanny State: How the Wealthy Use the Government to Stay Rich and Get Richer, Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2006; Social Security: The Phony Crisis (with Mark Weisbrot), University of Chicago Press, 1999; "Asset Returns and Economic Growth," (with Brad DeLong and Paul Krugman), Brookings Papers on Economic Activity (2005); "Financing Drug Research: What Are the Issues," Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2004; "Medicare Choice Plus: The Solution to the Long-Term Deficit Problem," Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2004; The Benefits of Full Employment (with Jared Bernstein), Economic Policy Institute, 2004; "Professional Protectionists: The Gains From Free Trade in Highly Paid Professional Services," Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2003; "The Run-Up in Home Prices: Is It Real or Is It Another Bubble," Center for Economic and Policy Research, 2002. His book Getting Prices Right: The Battle Over the Consumer Price Index (M.E. Sharpe, 1997) was a winner of a Choice Book Award as one of the outstanding academic books of the year. He was also the author of the weekly online commentary on economic reporting, the Economic Reporting Review (ERR), from 1996 - 2006.


He has worked as a consultant for the World Bank, the Joint Economic Committee of the U.S. Congress, and the OECD's Trade Union Advisory Council.


His columns have appeared in many major media outlets including the Atlantic Monthly, the Washington Post, and the London Financial Times. He is frequently cited in economics reporting in major media outlets, including the New York Times, Washington Post, CNBC and National Public Radio.