MONDAY, MARCH 18, 2013 05:15 AM MST
GOP: We’ve been lying all along
Boehner's admission that we don't really
have a debt crisis reveals his party's ulterior, program-cutting motives
BY DAVID SIROTA
|
John Boehner (Credit: AP/Susan Walsh) |
I
never thought I’d write these words, but here goes: Thank you, John
Boehner. Thank you, Mr. Speaker, for finally admitting on national
television that all the fiscal cliffs, sequestrations and budget battles
you’ve created are, indeed, artificially fabricated by ideologues and
self-interested politicians and not the result of some imminent crisis
that’s out of our control.
America owes this debt of gratitude to Boehner after he finally came clean on yesterday’s edition of ABC’s “This Week”
and admitted that “we do not have an immediate debt crisis.” (His
admission was followed up by Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, who
quickly echoed much the same sentiment on CBS’ “Face the Nation”).
In
offering up such a stunningly honest admission, the GOP leader has put
himself on record as agreeing with President Obama, who has previously
acknowledged that demonstrable reality. But the big news here isn’t just
about the politics of a Republican House speaker tacitly admitting they
agree with a Democratic president. It is also about a bigger admission
revealing the fact that the GOP’s fiscal alarmism is not merely some
natural reaction to reality, but a calculated means to other ideological
ends.
Before considering those ends, first remember that Boehner (like Obama) is correct on the facts.
As Nobel-winning economist Paul Krugman
has pointed out, “Even if we do run deficits, federal debt as a share
of GDP will be substantially less than it was at the end of World War
II” and “it will also be substantially less than, say, debt in several
European countries in the mid- to late 1990s.” It is also lower than the
80 percent of GDP level that many economists say starts to put countries in a precarious position. Additionally, citing Congressional Budget Office data, the Center for American Progress
notes that the long-term debt outlook is only dire because the
projections simply assume without question that “future Congresses will
enact huge new deficit-increasing tax cuts and spending hikes.”
“The
debt outlook is bad (but) we’re not looking at something inconceivable,
impossible to deal with,” writes Krugman. “We’re looking at debt levels
that a number of advanced countries, the US included, have had in the
past, and dealt with.”
So yes, we should start dealing with the
long-term debt in a pragmatic and sober way, but we shouldn’t pretend it
is some sort of imminent crisis worthy of draconian austerity measures.
If
we could somehow do that, then there would be plenty of gradual steps
that could be taken right now — steps that deal with the debt in
measured ways that do the least harm to the overall economy. Those
include starting to phase out the Bush tax cuts, which show no correlation with job growth and yet are the single largest driver of annual deficits; starting to reduce defense and war spending, which, job-creation-wise, is one of the least effective ways for the government to spend money; starting to move the United States toward
the least costly, more efficient, and more effective single-payer
healthcare system that most industrialized countries have, and that lowers overhead for employers;
and starting to spend more money on social programs that fight economic
inequality, with the understanding that driving down such inequality tends to boost macroeconomic growth and consequently boost public revenues (this is the Reagan-esque idea of growing one’s way out of debt).
But,
of course, we aren’t having a sober and measured discussion about such
pragmatic solutions. Instead, the national conversation about the budget
is dominated by debt demagogues with ulterior motives. Taking a page
out of the shock doctrine playbook that says every crisis is an
opportunity, these alarmists have sought to create the perception of an immediate crisis in order to quickly manufacture opportunities to legislate their otherwise politically impossible agenda items.
In practice, that means Wall Streeters and conservative ideologues citing the supposedly imminent crisis to successfully nudge the political establishment to endorse cuts to Social Security, even though the program has almost nothing to do with the debt crisis. It also means a GOP budget that targets most of its cuts
at the social programs that the poor and middle-class most rely on
(this, at the same time most of these same alleged budget hawks
supported an extension of most of the deficit-expanding Bush tax cuts; decry
any cuts to the defense budget; and either outright oppose a
single-payer system or support the Obama healthcare law that while
certainly expanding coverage, nonetheless buttresses the private health
insurance industry and, thus, arguably makes such a single-payer system
more out of reach).
From Boehner to Ryan to the Bowles-Simpson
tandem to an unending parade of television pundits, the last year has
been marked by the most prominent political voices ignoring the more
prudent way forward, and instead claiming that these shock doctrine
prescriptions — i.e., Social Security/Medicare cuts, social program
cuts, etc. — are all required. And not just required, but required
immediately, because of the supposed urgency of the debt crisis.
Using
that supposed urgency as a rationale to create fiscal cliffs,
sequestration battles and debt ceiling crises, their talking points have
lately assumed a similar tenor to that of the old Thatcherites’ “There
Is No Alternative” mantra, the idea being that because the emergency is
supposedly so imminent, there is simply no other way forward than the
conservative neoliberal path of profligacy for the rich (tax cuts,
continued corporate subsidies, etc.) and austerity for everyone else.
But
suddenly, thanks to yesterday’s declarations by Boehner and Ryan, the
charade’s most sacred lie has been exposed. In acknowledging that “we do
not have an immediate debt crisis,” GOP leaders are admitting that
there is, in fact, an alternative. They are also admitting that their
longtime claims to the contrary were ends-justify-the-means tactics to
manufacture an unnecessary panic — one that they hoped would scare
America into abruptly accepting the kind of draconian policies polls
show the public opposes.
Now that the truth is out, maybe a more reasoned debate can begin and more pragmatic policies can finally take center stage.
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